DO AS I SAY (NOT AS I DO)(ISBN=9780767919029) 英文原版 2025 chm pdf kindle rb azw3 下载 115盘

“I don’t own a single share of stock.” —Michael Moore

Members of the liberal left exude an air of moral certitude. They

pride themselves on being selflessly committed to the highest

ideals and seem particularly confident of the purity of their

motives and the evil nature of their opponents. To correct economic

and social injustice, liberals support a whole litany of policies

and principles: progressive taxes, affirmative action, greater

regulation of corporations, raising the inheritance tax, strict

environmental regulations, children’s rights, consumer rights, and

much, much more.

But do they actually live by these beliefs? Peter Schweizer decided

to investigate in depth the private lives of some prominent

liberals: politicians like the Clintons, Nancy Pelosi, the

Kennedys, and Ralph Nader; commentators like Michael Moore, Al

Franken, Noam Chomsky, and Cornel West; entertainers and

philanthropists like Barbra Streisand and George Soros. Using

everything from real estate transactions, IRS records, court

depositions, and their own public statements, he sought to examine

whether they really live by the principles they so confidently

advocate.

What he found was a long list of glaring contradictions. Michael

Moore denounces oil and defense contractors as war profiteers. He

also claims to have no stock portfolio, yet he owns shares in

Halliburton, Boeing, and Honeywell and does his postproduction film

work in Canada to avoid paying union wages in the United States.

Noam Chomsky opposes the very concept of private property and calls

the Pentagon “the worst institution in human history,” yet he and

his wife have made millions of dollars in contract work for the

Department of Defense and own two luxurious homes. Barbra Streisand

prides herself as an environmental activist, yet she owns shares in

a notorious strip-mining company. Hillary Clinton supports the

right of thirteen-year-old girls to have abortions without parental

consent, yet she forbade thirteen-year-old Chelsea to pierce her

ears and enrolled her in a school that would not distribute condoms

to minors. Nancy Pelosi received the 2002 Cesar Chavez Award from

the United Farm Workers, yet she and her husband own a Napa Valley

vineyard that uses nonunion labor.

Schweizer’s conclusion is simple: liberalism in the end forces its

adherents to become hypocrites. They adopt one pose in public, but

when it comes to what matters most in their own lives—their

property, their privacy, and their children—they jettison their

liberal principles and embrace conservative ones. Schweizer thus

exposes the contradiction at the core of liberalism: if these ideas

don’t work for the very individuals who promote them, how can they

work for the rest of us?

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PETER SCHWEIZER is a fellow at the Hoover Institution and the

author of several books, including Reagan’s War and The

Bushes. He lives in Florida with his wife and their two

children.

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书籍介绍

Editorial Reviews

From Publishers Weekly

Working with a broadly inclusive pantheon of "the Left" that places Ralph Nader and Barbra Streisand on equal footing with Ted Kennedy and Hillary Clinton, Schweizer (The Bushes: Portrait of a Dynasty) suggests that liberalism's heroes conduct their lives in ways that prove their philosophy to be "ultimately self-defeating, self-destructive, and unworkable." While acknowledging that conservatives can be high-profile hypocrites as well, Schweizer employs a double standard, arguing that "when conservatives betray their publicly stated principles, they harm only themselves and their families," but when liberals misbehave, they harm their principles first and foremost. Sometimes his research uncovers significant contradictions, as when Schweizer points out that Noam Chomsky, who tends to demonize the military establishment, wrote his first book, Syntactic Structures, with grants from the U.S. Army, the Air Force and the Office of Naval Research. But many of his charges are egregiously hyperbolic, as when he suggests that Cornel West is a "segregationist" because he bought a home in a largely Caucasian suburb. Schweizer clearly knows the limitations of his argument, since he backpedals from many of his most damning statements in his closing remarks. For all its revelations, in the end, this volume reads less like a critique of liberal philosophy than a catalogue of ammunition for ad hominem bloggers. (Oct. 25)

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